The Cost of Drones
by OpenCanada/CDFAI Staff
December 5th, 2012
The Predator drone is now a household
name, having become infamous as the
Obama administration’s counter-terrorism
weapon of choice. The name of the man
behind the most successful UAV in human
history, however, is rarely mentioned. A
recent economist article sheds light on
the identity of the Predator’s inventor,
Abe Karem, or as the article nicknames
him, “the dronefather”. Abe Karem’s
story is a familiar one – a
passionate, innovative thinker moves to
the U.S. to make his vision a reality
(and in this case, then starts the
process over again – Karem is currently
seeking to develop aircraft capable of
vertical take-offs and landings).
That this latest game changer was
developped in the U.S. drives homes the
importance of creating a hospitable
environment for technological
innovation. The U.S. is the global
leader on this front (if by a smaller
margin post-2008). A critical reason for
this, of course, is the amount that
country spends on defense. Government
backed research by military scientists
and engineers has proven definitive in
past decades. While game-changing,
‘disruptive’ innovations may have
low startup costs, they eventually need
serious support in order to move
mainstream.
Over in Europe, the U.K. has
reportedly spent more than £2
billion developing their own drone fleet
(many of which were bought from the
U.S.), and are poised to spend another
£2 billion on the program. And group of
six European countries has only
just succeeded in developing an
attack-sized stealth drone. The nEURON
was launched from a French air base on
Saturday, but is still only for
demonstration purposes.
Given the enormous costs of breaking new
ground with these kinds of systems
in-house, Canada will need to enter the
drone age via research partnerships or
settle for buying American (likely
dated) technology.
Drones, Drones,
Drones – Which are Good, Which are Bad?
by OpenCanada/CDFAI Staff
December 4th, 2012
Drones are most often associated with
images of deadly force, eliminating
targets hundreds of kilometres away at
the touch of a button. However, their
utility can go far beyond the
battlefield. Developments in new
generations of this tool have allowed
them to be utilized predominantly, but
not exclusively, by emergency services
in urban environments. Police forces,
medical services,
fire departments and
others have the potential to utilize
drone technology.
Today, urban drones are operated by
either law enforcement agencies or local
emergency services, and
are primarily used for reconnaissance
and information gathering. They allow
for live, on-the-ground data collection
that can be transmitted quickly. This
quick communication is essential to
react to unfolding events such as fires,
protests, large-scale celebrations, and
natural disasters.
Based on the technology and equipment
used, these urban drones can be deployed
in many different situations and by a
variety of agencies. Fire departments
can use them to assess the situation
before crews arrive on the scene: urban
drones can enter into buildings before
crews to evaluate the stability of the
building and help determine if there are
people trapped inside.
Police forces can
conduct close or long-range
surveillance, track fleeing suspects,
and provide support to officers when
entering a building.
Drones typically deployed in urban
environments are
much smaller than those
conducting aerial strikes in the tribal
regions of Pakistan. Larger scale UAVs,
known as airships, have not yet been
used over cities, but the idea
has been floated (no
pun intended). These airships could be
used to provide traffic updates,
surveillance of large gatherings or
sporting events such as the Olympics, as
well as logistical guidance to emergency
services in the event of natural
disasters or terrorist attacks. However,
the use of theses airships and UAVs in
general raise serious questions
regarding privacy and the gathering of
information. Just as UAVs used for air
strikes in conflict zones have become
increasingly controversial, UAVs used in
urban environments for surveillance may
become just as contentious.
One Fish, Two Fish, Swordfish,
Kingfish
by OpenCanada/CDFAI Staff
December 3rd, 2012
When it
comes to unmanned systems technologies,
most analysis has focused on aerial
innovations, and for good reason – the
vast majority of the drones being tested
and deployed today hover in the air, at
altitudes ranging from a couple of feet
to tens of thousands of miles above the
earth.
But significant
innovation is also taking place far
below sea level. The U.S. Navy is
developing unmanned underwater vehicles
(AUVs), as are university researchers
and private companies around the world
(including
Canadian-based ones), not to mention
DIY hobbyists. Some
observers have speculated that
unmanned naval systems will
revolutionize naval operations.
According to
the
Autonomous Underwater Vehicle
Applications Center:
“Part
of the current effort is the Mk 18
family of unmanned underwater vehicles
with side-scan sonar technology and a
camera. Mod 1, the Swordfish, is about
80 pounds and 7 inches in diameter. The
smaller variant is designed to navigate
the surf and beach zones -- less than 40
feet of water -- which includes the most
turbidity of all the water column zones,
complicating the UUV's efforts to
determine depth…”
The
Swordfish has now been joined by the
Kingfish, a robot that can gather
information underwater for 24 hours.
The U.S. Navy used
to train dolphins for underwater
mine-hunting, but now the mammals are
being nosed out by the Kingfish –
although dolphins still
retain advantages over robots for
jobs on the ocean-floor.
Drones
are a more humane and cost-effective
alternative to dolphins or mine-sweeping
ships. When Iran threatened to close the
Strait of Hormuz last year if their
nuclear weapons program was targeted,
the U.S. deployed four mine-sweeping
ships. A new Kingfish drone may be
introduced to the region next year,
which would allow fewer of these ships
to be deployed.
The Khaleej Times
reported that:
“…the Kingfish Mark 18 Model 2 is
an upgrade of the first model [the Model
1 Swordfish UUV] and was tested during
the recent mine countermeasures drills
in the region and came up trumps. It is
about 12-feet and resembles a torpedo.
Guided by GPS, it also has a WiFi
connection and can operate in the
shallow waters of the Gulf and search a
wide area and map them. There are three
Kingfish vehicles in each system. The
system can be operated from a rigid-hull
inflatable boat, giving naval forces
more mobility and speed to locate and
detonate mines.”
“Another new deployment is the
SeaFox mine disposal system. While
Kingfish helps to detect mines, the
SeaFox drone is sent out to put them out
of action. They are being used on ships
and MH-53E Sea Dragon helicopters in the
Gulf.”
You can find a
photo of a Kingfish
here, and more information on SeaFox
and related technologies
here.
For those excited
by what one sea drone can do, from
disarming a mine to
detonating a potentially lethal bomb,
imagine if you could deploy not just a
single KingFish but a whole
swarm. Researchers in Germany have
moved from the realm of imagination to
experimentation, building AUVs that swim
together as would a school of fish:
“The most important capability a
swarm brings AUVs is redundancy. Rather
than relying on a singular, expensive
platform, MONSUN [a 4 kilogram AUV
designed for underwater environmental
surveying] uses a handful
low-cost, homogenous robots that can
alter their role within the
swarm. While a portion of the
AUVs conduct tasks underwater, the
others act as communication relays.
If one of these vehicles has a
mechanical failure or is lost, the swarm
continues to operate.”
And so innovation
below the surface appears to be taking
place at a similarly rapid pace as that
above ground, with new models and
prototypes continuing to be tested. One
impetus may be the argument that as
defence budgets shrink, shifting
intelligence, surveillance and
reconnaissance (ISR) capacities from
land-based to sea-based platforms may
help cut costs, as the latter would be
less vulnerable to attack. Whether the
costs of maintaining these platforms
will prove prohibitive is unclear, as is
whether
fueling AUVs will prove an
insurmountable obstacle to lengthier
missions.
Drones: To Report or Not to Report
by OpenCanada/CDFAI Staff
November 30th, 2012
Yesterday in Pakistan
two attacks took place. The first,
widely reported by the North American
media and Western Europe, saw Pakistan
military leader Mullah Nazir injured in
a suicide bombing. Seven have been
reported dead. The
second was a drone attack that targeted
a vehicle carrying three militants,
including “foreigners” – a term used to
describe Arab al-Qaeda operatives. Three
have been
announced dead. Reports
of the drone attack have not appeared in
the Western media as of yet, other than
the “Long
War Journal”, an American
blog that reports on the War on Terror,
while reports of the suicide bombing are
widespread (here,
and
here).
Why isn’t the Western media covering
drone attacks more consistently,
especially ones that eliminate a
terrorist target with zero unintended
casualties, not to mention at low costs?
Canadians and Americans alike are proud
of their military; Canada leapt to the
collective defence of
General Leslie following scathing
comments from Fox News, and while the
CBC and Sun News
may squabble over the
definition of appropriate, they
both support the men
and women that serve and their families.
Following the completed US assassination
of Osama Bin Laden, President
Obama praised the work
of the service men involved: “We give
thanks for the men who carried out this
operation, for they exemplify the
professionalism, patriotism, and
unparalleled courage of those who serve
our country.” So, why not tout the
successes of the forces when it comes to
the use of drone technology?
A recent UK Guardian article
stressed that it is because
soldiers are not placed in harms way
during a drone attack that the military
becomes “sheepish” when it reports on
drone use: drones, “piloted by remote
control from thousands of miles away, …
have been the one unqualified military
triumph of the war in Afghanistan”.
Perhaps it is the lack of accountability
or the general secrecy of these missions
that detracts the Western media from
reporting on them. Or, as the report “Living
Under Drones” suggests,
drones may not be as effective as they
are made out to be.
The report is critical of the drone
campaign in Pakistan,
arguing that drones are
not the precise, accurate, and limited
weapon they have been portrayed to be:
“the civilian toll from drone strikes is
far higher than acknowledged”; “many
problems with the drone campaign go
unreported”; and “government
transparency is essential to gaining a
better understanding of the campaign and
its consequences.”
But the media isn’t the only group not
publishing news of drone attacks. In
a post from
Claire Schachter of the
Canadian International Council
the lack of information around drones
and their use is examined. Claire
referencesJosh Begley, a New York-based
app developer, who “created
an app that aggregates the
Bureau’s data on drone strikes and sends
users a push notification whenever there
is a new report of a drone strike.
Apple has rejected the Drone+
app three times, and continually blocked
it from the App store on grounds that
the content is ‘objectionable and
crude’.”
Why is the use of drones shrouded in
such secrecy? "DRONE WEEK: KILL, WATCH,
AID", hosted by
OpenCanada in
partnership with
CDFAI from Dec. 10th to
14th 2012, will explore this question
and many more. Remember to tune in.
The Drone Wars: Episode Hype?
by OpenCanada/CDFAI Staff
November 29th, 2012
When security analysts strategize
about how to deal with the proliferation
of drone technology, they aren’t working
with a George Lucas inspired
hypothetical. Headlines now remind us
daily that the United States is no
longer alone in possessing unmanned
systems technology, and the capability
to deploy these systems to conduct
remote warfare. We’re not just talking
about broadening the UAV club to include
other U.S. allies besides Israel – The
NYT’s International Herald Tribune
recently reported that China displayed
a fleet of unmanned aerial vehicles
at an air show in Zhuhai this November.
The Tribune article quotes a Defense
Science Report that declares China could
“easily match or outpace U.S. spending
on unmanned systems, rapidly close the
technology gaps and become a formidable
global competitor in unmanned systems.”
China’s progress, as well as a spate of
drone-related incidents involving Iran,
Israel, Hezbollah has led some to
declare that a
drones arms race is underway. Buy
beating the drums for a drone war among
the superpowers, whether China vs. the
U.S., China vs. Russia, or some other
Cold War game scenario, distracts from a
more pressing concern: the potential for
export of militarized drone technology
by China or others with more lax export
regulations than the U.S. to rogue
actors – state and non-state – whose
agendas may include retaliation against
the U.S. for drone strikes in the Af-Pak
region and Yemen.
A drone arms race implies neck and
neck competition in innovation and
production, but the capabilities of
Chinese models
leave a lot to be desired when
compared to American ones. As Wired
Magazine writes, however, that’s
unlikely to deter smaller states looking
to buy unmanned systems on the cheap,
“bargain shopping for flying death
robots”.
So, while a drones arms race among
superpowers may be on the horizon, the
more immediate danger would seem to be
drone spillover. The frame for the
questions we’re tracking should be less
Cold War inspired and more in line with
the post-Cold War debate over how to
deal with Iran acquiring nuclear weapons
– should we enforce limits on the
development of a now widely accessible
technology? Can we effectively monitor
who develops what and for what purpose,
as well as what's for sale and who's
buying?
It’s what we don’t know – i.e. those
states that don’t parade their drones at
air shows for the world to see – that
probably ought to worry defense analysts
most.
Using Drones to Secure the
Arctic
by OpenCanada/CDFAI Staff
November 28th, 2012
Canada has a deficiency when it comes to
Arctic surveillance. Our military
presence in the Arctic consists of the
brief deployments of two CF-18 warplanes
to Inuvik and the occasional patrol of
the vast area by an Aurora aircraft – a
manned maritime surveillance aircraft
introduced in 1980. Our warships and
submarines are rendered useless in this
environment as they can’t work in, or
under, the ice. And we are reliant on a
Polar satellite that takes very narrow
pictures of the territory and needs
three weeks to collect information in
the entire area.
At present Canada
has very limited ability to assert its
sovereignty over a region fiercely
contested by several countries. … So far
Denmark, Norway, Canada, Russia and the
US, all of which lay claim to parts of
the Arctic, have taken a relatively
diplomatic approach, though there has
been some notable flexing of military
muscles.
Canada felt severely threatened in
2007 when Russia sent a
submarine to plant its flag 4km beneath
the ice at the North Pole. At the time
Stephen Harper, prime minister,
responded by announcing that the
Nanisivik mine, on the northern tip of
the Baffin Island, would house a
deepwater docking facility, adding to
Canada’s military presence in the
region. He added that Canada knew it had
to “use or lose” the Arctic.
Drones
present a possible solution to this
problem.
US defence
contractor,
Northrop Grumman
is in the process of developing the
Polar Hawk. This unmanned aerial vehicle
is robotically operated, with human
oversight, and is able to stay airborne
for up to 35 hours, is not armed, and
can fly 10 kilometres up (above the high
winds that can be problematic in the
Arctic). The drone can be used to
provide constant summer surveillance,
provide coastal patrol in the Atlantic
and Pacific, monitor forest fires and
floods, and provide scientific and
environmental sensing
while operating out of a single
base.
The drones would
fill an important gap
in Canadian security:
“It’s a capability that matches a
need here in Canada,” Dane Marolt,
Northrop Grumman’s director of
international business development. “The
Arctic is an issue for Canada. It’s also
an issue for the United States. Unless
you know what’s going on there, you
can’t take any action.”
 |
The
problem is
in the price:
But if such a military
purchase were to be made, it
would raise a series of
pertinent questions. For
instance, is this an appropriate
military expenditure in a time
of scarce defence resources?
Significantly, it would cost
roughly $1.6 billion to buy and
operate three unarmed Polar Hawk
drones for 20 years in the
Arctic.
With some $2 billion in
budget cuts hanging over the
department’s head, it’s easy to
question whether a fleet of
drones is an intelligent
military procurement decision.
To be sure, there is no shortage
of needs for the Canadian
Forces: fighter jets,
helicopters, armoured vehicles
and trucks and naval frigates.
Many in the Forces would wonder
about the efficacy of a drone
purchase.
|
For an in depth discussion of the
challenges associated with the
procurement and use of drones, check out
contributions to "DRONE WEEK: KILL,
WATCH, AID", hosted by OpenCanada in
partnership with CDFAI from Dec. 10th to
14th 2012.
Countdown to Drone Week: Filling the
Legal Void
by OpenCanada/CDFAI Staff
November 27, 2012
The regulatory architecture in place to
contain the U.S. drone program is shaky
at best. Leaving military personnel to
interpret and apply laws of war and
rules of engagement designed with more
traditional weaponry in mind encourages
costly (and potentially criminal)
confusion. Scott Shane reports for the
New York Times that the Obama
administration has acknowledged the need
to formalize the rules governing
targeted killing, and that drafting a
rule-book of
sorts became a matter of greater urgency
during the lead up to the election. But
to go by the lengthy (and still ongoing)
process to draft and approve a revised
U.S. Law of War Manual, a definitive
drone manual is not likely to appear in
the near future. The longer it takes,
however, the more likely existing
practices will become entrenched and
resistant to change according to new
rules.
In the meantime, the U.S.
Department of Defense is likely to
continue updating
existing manuals
and issuing new policy directives in an
effort to fill the void, such as
the one released on Nov. 21,
establishing DoD policy for the
development and use of autonomous
weapons systems with the intentions of
“minimizing the probability and
consequences of failures in autonomous
and semi-autonomous weapon systems that
could lead to unintended engagements.”
For in depth discussion of the
challenges of drafting and enforcing
laws to govern the use of drones, check
out contributions to "DRONE WEEK: KILL,
WATCH, AID", hosted by OpenCanada in
partnership with CDFAI from Dec. 10th to
14th 2012.
|